How US-India Maritime ties can shape the World’s future?
Executive Summary
U.S.-India relations are strongly rooted in the Indian Ocean, beginning in 1789 with Massachusetts ships exporting textiles and naval supplies to India. The U.S. may lack territory in the Indian Ocean, but its commitment to regional security is unwavering. The U.S. has two critical objectives in the Indian Ocean: ensuring an uninterrupted flow of commerce and maintaining military access. Significantly formalized post-Cold War, U.S.-India cooperation began with the Malabar naval exercises in 1992 and was reinforced by humanitarian efforts. India’s logistical support for U.S. military actions and its role in escorting U.S. ships post-9/11 underscore its strategic importance. As China’s influence expands, India’s backing for U.S. military initiatives becomes essential. India’s advocacy for a U.S. presence at the Diego Garcia base amid disputes illustrates the strength of this partnership. The I2U2 alliance, including India, Israel, the UAE, and the U.S., is vital for enhancing security in the Indian Ocean, focusing on trade, combating radicalism, and ensuring navigation freedom. India must decisively counter threats from China and Turkey, particularly regarding Turkey’s military operations in the region. Strengthening relationships with I2U2 partners is crucial for establishing a robust presence in Africa. The establishment of a base at Berbera is essential for securing maritime traffic and making the Indian Ocean the economic engine of trade and security in the 21st century. New Delhi must prioritize strategic partnerships. Allowing revisions by China or other states would threaten trade and security. The U.S. and India must work together to uphold freedom of navigation and the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in the South China Sea through coordinated operations. Establishing clear and unambiguous priorities in the Indian Ocean is essential for shaping an effective U.S. National Security Strategy particularly if the region is to be conceptualized as part of a unified Indo-Pacific. The future of this region is not only uncertain but also ripe with opportunities for assertive U.S.-India cooperation. Given the Indian Ocean’s growing strategic importance, both India and the United States must commit to sustained collaboration, enhanced interoperability, and equitable burden-sharing to safeguard shared interests and promote regional stability.
Source: – Perry World House
United States 43rd President George W Bush, during his historic India’s visit in March 2006, had said,
“India in the 21st century is a natural partner of the United States because we are brothers in the cause of human liberty. Yesterday, I visited a memorial to Mahatma Gandhi, and read the peaceful words of a fearless man. His words are familiar in my country because they helped move a generation of Americans to overcome the injustice of racial segregation. When Martin Luther King arrived in Delhi in 1959, he said to other countries, “I may go as a tourist, but to India, I come as a pilgrim.” I come to India as a friend”.
Walking on the Ocean
The history of U.S.-India relations is firmly rooted in the Indian Ocean, beginning in 1789 when ships from Massachusetts successfully exported textiles and naval supplies to India.
During World War II, India played a vital role by joining the U.S. “Lend-Lease Program“, to modernize key ports in Mumbai, Vishakhapatnam, and Kolkata. While the U.S. does not have territory in the Indian Ocean, its commitment to regional security has been unwavering.
After World War II, the U.K. served as the primary partner for the U.S. in maintaining stability. However, India expressed strong opposition to the presence of Western militaries in the late 1960s, particularly concerning the contested Chagos Islands. The U.K.’s withdrawal from overseas bases during that period compelled the U.S. to seek new, reliable regional partners.
The U.S.A. had two very clear strategic objectives in the Indian Ocean
- Ensuring the uninterrupted flow of commerce through critical sea lanes and
- Maintaining military access and basing in the region
The urgency of these objectives intensified during crises like the November 1979 hostage crisis in Iran and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, leading to a robust U.S. military presence.
By 1983, the establishment of CENTCOM and NAVCENT in Bahrain solidified America’s focus on the Indian Ocean.
Although, cooperation between the U.S. and India became significantly more formalized after the Cold War, but the initiation of U.S.-India Malabar naval exercises in 1992 marked a turning point, complemented by joint humanitarian efforts following natural disasters.
India’s logistical support for U.S. military interventions, including in the Maldives and Kuwait, showcased the deepening ties. Moreover, India’s pivotal role in escorting U.S. ships post-9/11 underscored its strategic importance.
As China’s influence in the Indian Ocean grows, India’s support for U.S. military initiatives is more crucial than ever. India’s advocacy for the U.S. presence at the Diego Garcia base amid ongoing sovereignty disputes with Mauritius and the U.K. is a testament to the strength of this partnership.
Together, the U.S. and India are poised to navigate the complexities of the Indian Ocean region with resolve and determination.
Source: US Department of State
Future of World Ocean Diplomacy – “I2U2 Partnership”
The I2U2 partnership comprising India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States is crucial for bolstering security in the Indian Ocean Region, although it should not be misconstrued as a military alliance.
Each member has a vested interest in trade, combating radicalism, ensuring freedom of navigation, and maintaining security, but their capabilities vary considerably. India stands out with a broader capacity in the Indian Ocean, especially as the U.S. increasingly hesitates to assert its power.
It is imperative that both Washington and New Delhi shift their focus from solely addressing Chinese influence in the eastern Indian Ocean to recognizing and tackling threats in the western region and Africa.
The U.S. naval presence is inadequate; the Fifth Fleet is preoccupied with the Persian Gulf, while bases in Djibouti and Diego Garcia do not match the comprehensive presence required.
India’s bold investment in Iran’s Chabahar port raises significant concerns for both the U.S. and Israel, making it a perplexing and potentially risky choice in a volatile commercial landscape. India must expand its military footprint, as its facilities are currently too limited.
While the Modi government is making strides in infrastructure development in the Indian Ocean, it is falling short compared to China’s aggressive advances in strategic locations like Hambantota, Sri Lanka, and Gwadar, Pakistan.
The Turkish threat also demands immediate attention. Turkey’s extensive investments and military operations in the region, particularly its partnership with Pakistan, require India to remain vigilant. India must decisively work with its I2U2 partners to establish a formidable presence in Africa, capitalizing on its historical ties with nations like Kenya, Tanzania, and Uganda.
Establishing a base at Berbera is not just advisable; it’s essential for securing maritime traffic and ensuring that the Indian Ocean Basin becomes the pivotal economic engine for trade and security in the 21st century.
New Delhi must make strategic partner choices moving forward.
If China or other revisionist states gain dominance in the region, the consequences for trade and security will be profound. India must adopt a bold and proactive stance in the face of these escalating challenges.
In a sign of deepening bilateral ties and strong bipartisanship, India and the US have again reiterated their commitment to the IMEC (India-Middle East Economic Corridor) and the I2U2 (India-Israel, US-UAE) initiatives.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during his visit earlier this year in February, said in a joint press conference with US President Donald Trump that the two countries will increase cooperation under the I2U2 framework. He also added that both India and the US will spend more on the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), which was launched in June 2022 as a counter to China’s ‘Belt and Road’ initiative.
Here’s the YouTube link for the joint statement :-
Source:- Forbes
Indo-US Collaboration in the South China Sea
The United States and India can collaborate to stabilize the situation in the South China Sea. Both nations should consistently assert the importance of freedom of navigation and adherence to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in the South China Sea. This effort should be undertaken both unilaterally and bilaterally.
The United States should continue its freedom of navigation operations, and India should seriously consider conducting similar operations. It is crucial for the United States to regularly reassure regional states of its commitment to the region. Many Southeast Asian countries are anxious that the U.S. may not maintain the level of attention it previously afforded the area under the “pivot” strategy.
Additionally, there are fears that a U.S.-China condominium could emerge, wherein the United States might compromise Southeast Asian interests for Chinese concessions on a wide range of global issues, including trade and finance, nuclear proliferation, and North Korea. The U.S. should take these concerns into account. The sale of BrahMos missiles to Southeast Asian countries has caused alarm in Beijing.
India and the United States should work together to empower Southeast Asian nations, enabling them to stand alongside America and India if China attempts to invade Taiwan.
Time is of the essence, and both India and the United States need to collaborate on building the coast guard capabilities of claimant states, particularly Indonesia and Vietnam, to better address non-traditional threats such as piracy and terrorism.
The United States and India must take decisive action to stabilize the South China Sea. Both nations must unequivocally assert the importance of freedom of navigation and strictly adhere to the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).
The U.S. should continue its freedom of navigation operations, and India must actively consider conducting similar operations to demonstrate joint resolve.
It is imperative for the U.S. to reassure regional states of its unwavering commitment to the region amid growing concerns that its focus may wane. Southeast Asian nations are rightfully anxious about potential compromises made in a U.S.-China agreement that could jeopardize their interests.
The recent sale of BrahMos missiles to Southeast Asian countries has understandably alarmed Beijing.
India and the U.S. must stand together to empower these nations, enhancing their defenses against any potential Chinese aggression, especially regarding Taiwan. Moreover, both countries must prioritize bolstering the coast guard capabilities of claimant states like Indonesia and Vietnam to effectively combat non-traditional threats like piracy and terrorism.
Trump plan for Rare Earth Elements
On April 24, President Donald Trump unveiled a new executive order, “Unleashing America’s Offshore Critical Minerals and Resources,” aimed at securing U.S. critical mineral supply chains and challenging China’s dominance in the sector. The order directs the Department of Commerce alongside other executive agencies to accelerate the exploration and exploitation of deep-sea mineral resources both within the U.S. Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and in international waters. For decades, the United States has remained largely disengaged from the deep-sea mining debate, deferring to international governance structures. The Trump administration’s directive marks a clear departure from this stance, signaling a robust push for U.S. leadership in deep-sea resource development. This strategic pivot not only reflects an all-of-the-above approach to securing critical minerals but also carries significant implications for maritime security and intensifies the U.S.-China competition over access to vital seabed resources.
A Long Road Ahead
India is a cornerstone of U.S. strategies in South Asia and the Indo-Pacific, and this cannot be overlooked.
As the new Trump administration develops its policies, it must recognize India’s critical role as a regional security pillar in the Indian Ocean. This relationship demands significant attention to understand its implications for U.S. foreign policy. One plausible outcome is that India could adopt a “Monroe Doctrine” like stance, asserting its independence and potentially rejecting an unwelcome U.S. presence. History has shown that the U.S. often fails to anticipate threats to regional pillars until it’s too late, and this trend must change.
It is essential to ask the hard questions regarding U.S.-India cooperation: –
How much support should the U.S. provide to India?
What are the costs and limits of this support?
The second Trump administration is rightly focusing on challenges posed by China while prioritizing the Western Hemisphere and homeland defense.
Establishing clear, unambiguous priorities in the Indian Ocean is crucial for an effective National Security Strategy, especially if the region is to be viewed as a unified Indo-Pacific.
The future is not just uncertain; it is filled with opportunities for assertive U.S.-India cooperation in the Indian Ocean.
Given the region’s strategic importance, both nations must commit to vigorous collaboration and robust burden-sharing efforts.